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There have been moments in my life that, when I look back, leave me with only questions—questions that still make me wonder why. I never joined journalism school out of passion; I had always wanted to pursue law. Yet today, when I hold my published book The Attempt in my hands, I see the fruition of my labor. I don’t wait for others to read or review it. I’m simply proud of having written, edited, designed, and published it all by myself. The journey wasn’t easy. I battled insomnia, often waking up in the middle of the night to jot down thoughts that surfaced in my restless mind. The process was intense, demanding immense dedication and devotion. Yet the most fulfilling part was the freedom from judgment, the feeling that I was in control of my own experiences and words, allowing my creativity to flow naturally.

Coming from a middle-class family, I see my writing themes and ideas reflecting my background. I understand what it means to throw yourself into uncertainty, to have nothing and still strive for something better. I consider myself fortunate that I can express myself, share my experiences, and keep learning and unlearning along the way. Perhaps this ignition would never have sparked without my time in journalism school. In the span of four and a half years, I was taught empathy above all and to be the voice of the voiceless. I learned about mass communication, media ethics, human rights sensitivity, media literacy, media laws, reporting, investigative writing, and the nuances of media trials, angles, and sources. The field is vast and pragmatic, and I don’t think anyone without such training can truly translate its depth.

However, when I look at the current state of media practice in Nepal, I see a contrasting picture. Dozens of media outlets are mushrooming and they are spreading false information. The media landscape has turned into a battleground of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation. Today, anyone can show up and write anything about anyone. Being seen and heard has become easy, but to what purpose and to what extent?

As a literature graduate, I understand deeply what it means to express freely.. The Constitution of Nepal, in Article 17, enshrines the right to freedom. As human beings, our nature resists control, yet we must also recognize that freedom requires responsibility. In journalism, a reporter’s qualification isn’t only about how well they write, but also about their morality and motivation. Unfortunately, I rarely see such reflection in today’s newsrooms. Catchy headlines often outweigh the ABCs of reporting. Partisan news sells more than independent stories. Unregistered online media sometimes gain more public trust than mainstream outlets. It’s important to understand that not every good writer can be a reporter, and not every reporter can be a good writer. My heart burns when I read news written without an understanding of what a true “nose for news” means. Truth is not gossip. No one has the license to write about anyone or anything without consent or purpose.

Creative storytelling and journalistic storytelling are vastly different. Though often used interchangeably, both fields have distinct purposes and disciplines. As a graduate in English Literature and Journalism, I see this distinction more clearly than those who study only one. I say this with conviction, because journalism today has, for many, become an easy route to entrepreneurship, often without the necessary knowledge or practice. The result is that Nepali audiences are not being served, but misled. One of the most dangerous powers of media lies in how it sets narratives, how information is framed to shape illusions and manipulate public perception.

The 16th session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) is taking place at the Palais des Nations in Geneva under the theme “Shaping the future: Advancing economic transformation for equitable, inclusive and sustainable development”, on ​​20-23 Oct 2025.

The conference, with Switzerland and the UNCTAD as the organizers, brings together heads of state and government, ministers for trade and economy, Nobel laureates, leaders of international organizations, civil society representatives and renowned experts to engage in a high-level dialogue on global trends and policy approaches in trade, investment, development and the digital economy.
In this context, it will be worthwhile to note: Development should not be a race where the poorest start last and lose first. 

With regard to our graduation from the grouping of Least Developed Countries (LDCs), "Nepal's graduation from LDC status—finally a ceremony where we lose rather than gain privileges!" is a common refrain. 

When it comes to climate finance, the stark reality is: We emit less than a Swiss cow, but we are still waiting for climate compensation. Perhaps we should speak out loudly at UNCTAD 16.

On the trade deficit, "Nepal's trade deficit is so loyal—it follows us everywhere, even to Geneva." 

On remittances, "Our biggest export is not carpets or pashminas—it is our youth. And they send back dollars, dreams and sometimes heartbreak."   

On Climate risk, “We are not asking for donations. We are asking for climate justice—while the mountains are melting and the rivers are boiling.” 

On trade equality, “Trade should be a bridge, not a barrier. For the least developed countries, it should carry dignity, not dependency.”

On Nepal’s transition, “Graduating from LDC status is not the end of risk—it is the beginning of both national and global responsibilities.”  

On global solidarity, “In a world fraught with multiple crises, the strength of the global economy lies in how it deals with its weakest links.” 

Established as a permanent intergovernmental body in 1964, the UNCTAD is the principal authority of the General Assembly in the field of trade and development.
Its objective is to promote trade and development, particularly in developing countries.
UNCTAD’s main goals are to enhance the capacity of developing countries in the areas of trade, investment and development, to assist them in overcoming the difficulties arising from globalization, and to integrate them equitably into the world economy. 

UNCTAD achieves these goals by conducting research and policy analysis, intergovernmental debates, with the support of technical assistance, cooperation with civil society and the business community. 

The objectives of UNCTAD in the field of competition are the analysis and improvement of international foundations of competition policy and legislation, harmonization of competition and trade policy, convergence of national competition standards with a multilaterally agreed set of common principles and rules on the control of UNCTAD-adopted restrictive business practices.

The participation of Belarus in the work of UNCTAD divisions related to the development of competition is of great importance, since without strengthening the role of competition policy as a means of regulating economic relations not only within countries, but also at the international level, it is impossible to increase economic efficiency, successfully develop international trade and improve the economic well-being of consumers of goods and services.

The main objectives of UNCTAD are to accelerate the economic growth rate of the developing world and reduce and eventually eliminate the trade gap between developed and developing countries.

Nepal at UNCTAD 16:

Nepal enters UNCTAD 16 with a clear agenda and an opportunity to secure its development path amidst global economic uncertainty, climate risks and changing trade priorities.

As an LDC on the cusp of graduation, Nepal seeks equitable trade, climate justice and inclusive growth.

Key concerns for Nepal:

LDC development risks:

Nepal is set to graduate from the grouping of LDCs and become a developing country, which could result in the loss of preferential trade access, concessional financing and technical assistance.

Tariff volatility:

Unregulated US tariff policies appear to have a positive impact on Nepal's exports, although they do not significantly affect them. There is no sign of a change in tariffs in Nepal.

More than seven lakh Nepalis migrated for work in 2023 and Nepal seeks global labor mobility frameworks that protect migrant rights and promote domestic job creation.

Trade deficit and informality:

Nepal’s trade deficit with the US and widespread informal employment highlight structural weaknesses in its economy.

Advantages/disadvantages: UNCTAD appears to have a strong grid strategic action plan aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals. It has rich cultural exports (carpets, textiles, crafts) with global appeal. Active engagement with development partners and UN agencies can be strengths for Nepal. 

Weaknesses: High trade deficit and dependence on remittances, limited industrial base and low productivity, vulnerability to climate disasters and urban-rural disparities are some of our weaknesses. Still, UNCTAD can be leveraged to secure opportunities, climate finance and trade facilitation.

It is imperative for Nepal to promote sustainable tourism, renewable energy, green infrastructure, good governance and meet the expectations of GenZ.

Nepal’s voice in UNCTAD 16 must be bold, strategic and rooted in its lived realities. While emphasizing the priorities of the least developed countries for UNCTAD 16 and the theme of the conference, Nepal is taking part in UNCTAD 16 with a dual imperative: to support the rights and resilience of LDCs and to navigate its own transition from LDC status by 2026. The theme of the conference—“Transforming Trade and Development in an Era of Multi-Crisis”—resonates deeply with Nepal’s structural risks, climate risks and aspirations for inclusive development. UNCTAD 16, to be held in Geneva on 20-23 Oct 2025, focuses on how trade and development policies should evolve in the face of global crises such as climate change, geopolitical tensions, pandemic shocks and financial instability.
For LDCs like Nepal, this theme is not abstract—it reflects lived realities.
Multilateral crisis impact:

Nepal will continue to grapple with climate-induced disasters, supply chain disruptions and volatile remittance flows in the future.

Transformative trade:

Nepal seeks trade patterns that prioritize equity, sustainability and resilience over liberalization. 

Reimagined development:

The country advocates for development models that focus on human dignity, environmental stewardship and regional cooperation.

Nepal’s LDC status: 

Context and concerns
Nepal has been an LDC since 1971. It is scheduled to graduate in November 2026, along with Bangladesh and Laos. While graduation signals progress, it also raises concerns: graduation could end access to preferential trade tariffs, concessional loans, and targeted aid.
Nepal’s economy remains dependent on agriculture, remittances, and informal labor. Despite low emissions, Nepal is vulnerable to floods, landslides, and glacial melt.

Institutionalization of federalism is in progress, and service delivery is uneven.

Nepal’s strategic response:
Nepal has adopted a smooth transition strategy to prepare for upgradation with six pillars:

Macroeconomic stability:

• Strengthening fiscal discipline and monetary flexibility
• Diversifying exports
• Attracting sustainable foreign investment
• Promoting value-added sectors and digital innovation
• Investing in infrastructure, skills and entrepreneurship
• Building adaptive capacity and green infrastructure under climate and disaster risk management
• Ensuring equal access to education, health and justice under social inclusion
• Clarity on “grace periods” to maintain trade priorities and aid

Climate finance:

• Increased adaptation funds and loss-of-loss mechanisms
• Fair trade rules: Protection against tariff and non-tariff barriers
• Technology transfer: Access to digital tools and innovation for development 
• Labor mobility framework: Protection and remittance stability for migrant workers

Overall, Nepal’s voice in UNCTAD 16 is clear: development must be redefined in an era of multiple crises. Graduation from LDC status should not mean abandonment—​​it should be a bridge of resilience, equality and dignity. Nepal can be expected to call on the global community to honor its commitments and walk with LDCs toward a just future. 

An abrupt incident that occurred in early September 2025 in Nepal was unprecedented on many levels. A peaceful protest, spearheaded by the country’s Generation Z (Gen-Z), evolved into a nationwide outcry against deep-rooted corruption, systemic nepotism, and the controversial ban on social media. The demonstrations, held on September 8 and 9, resulted in unexpected human casualties and extensive socio-economic damage, sending shockwaves throughout the country’s political landscape.

The gravity of these events prompted the formation of an Interim Government tasked with stabilizing the country, restoring public trust, and conducting elections for members of the House of Representatives on March 5, 2026. However, a clear and sustainable roadmap—particularly one ensuring elections on the stated date—remains elusive. Amidst this uncertainty, a window of opportunity has opened: one where critical reforms may be introduced, institutional weaknesses addressed, and the aspirations of a new generation taken seriously.

Key demands

The protests marked a pivotal moment in Nepal’s modern political history—not only because of their scale, but also due to the clarity of Gen-Z’s demands. This generation, born and raised in the post-monarchical, federal democratic era, is no longer willing to accept outdated practices in governance.

Their demands include the establishment of good governance through investigations of all corruption cases from 1990 to 2025 by a competent and trusted body. They have called for the elimination of nepotism and favoritism, as reflected in social media trends against “nepo kids” and “nepo babies.”

They have also expressed their interest in overhauling the current political system and ending long-lasting political leadership. They favor a directly elected executive model and demand comprehensive reform of the electoral system. Their concerns include ensuring transparent and merit-based appointments to high-level positions such as judges, commissioners, and ambassadors. They have also called for a review of the federal structure—particularly the distribution of powers between the federal and provincial levels—along with administrative reforms.

These demands are both ambitious and constitutionally complex, and responding to them will require careful legal, political, and institutional maneuvering.

Constitutional provisions and legal constraints

The Constitution of Nepal provides a degree of flexibility for reform but also contains clear limitations in addressing Gen-Z’s demands. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is the designated body to investigate corruption, while adjudication lies with the Special Court. There is currently no constitutional provision for an alternative authority to carry out such wide-ranging corruption investigations.

In terms of structural reforms, the Constitution requires a two-thirds majority to approve any change in the form of government, electoral system, or federal structure. Amendments impacting the provincial structure or exclusive provincial powers (as per Schedule 6) require approval from the respective Provincial Assemblies. The Constitution does allow for referendums, but only with a two-thirds majority approval of Parliament.

These processes, while theoretically feasible, are heavily dependent on the cooperation of established political parties—the very institutions whose legitimacy has been called into question by Gen-Z protesters.

Emerging challenges in a volatile political climate

The September 2025 events have placed Nepal’s political status quo under considerable strain. Established political parties, many of which feel threatened by the scale and popularity of the Gen-Z movement, have shown reluctance to endorse investigations or constitutional amendments that may jeopardize their authority.

Several key challenges lie ahead. First, political resistance: the established leadership is unlikely to support any reforms that could lead to their displacement or reduced influence. Second, while the Interim Government has been mandated to conduct elections on March 5, 2026, this may not be feasible without the full cooperation of political parties. Continued protests and ideological conflicts between Gen-Z activists and political traditionalists could deepen societal divides.

Additionally, differences among Gen-Z groups on various issues have also surfaced, potentially weakening their collective strength. Implementing some of Gen-Z’s demands, such as the direct election of the executive, would require major constitutional overhauls. If the transition falters or fails, it could open the door to authoritarian alternatives—a scenario that would be catastrophic for democratic consolidation. Revisiting issues such as federalism and secularism without national consensus could also ignite deeper communal or regional tensions, potentially recalling the decade-long domestic conflict.

Building a constructive roadmap: Immediate and medium-term steps​​​​​​​

To stabilize the political environment and move toward meaningful reform, Nepal must embrace a carefully coordinated and inclusive strategy. The Interim Government must demonstrate impartiality and competence, ensuring legitimacy across all demographic and political lines.

To address the damage caused during the protests, a transparent and independent body should be formed to investigate the events of September 2025, including loss of life, property damage, and underlying grievances. Financial and technical support from development partners will be crucial for implementing systemic reforms and ensuring a credible electoral process.

Launching an inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue on constitutional amendments—particularly electoral reform, federal competencies, and leadership structures—is essential. There is broad understanding among Gen-Z activists and political thinkers that constitutional reform should follow the elections; therefore, dialogues on reform priorities must begin now within civil society, Gen-Z networks, and political parties.

To ensure good governance, a trusted commission must be established to investigate historic corruption cases, without overlapping with the jurisdiction of the CIAA. Robust dialogue among Gen-Z leaders, political parties, civil society, and government bodies should be institutionalized through town hall meetings, one-on-one dialogues, public interactions through media, working groups, and policy forums.

Clear mechanisms should also be developed to include Gen-Z in political discourse—whether through advisory roles, youth assemblies, or integration into party reform processes.

Question of timely elections: Possibilities, pitfalls, and consequences​​​​​​​

Despite uncertainties, there are several positive indicators regarding the upcoming election. The Election Commission of Nepal (ECN) has committed to the scheduled timeline. The Ministry of Finance has confirmed the availability of necessary resources, and most political parties have expressed interest in participating.

However, significant challenges could derail the process, such as continued agitation from both Gen-Z and traditional parties, unmet youth expectations, leadership disputes within parties, and corruption probes linked to the September events. If these risks are not addressed, the election may either be postponed or produce outcomes unacceptable to large segments of the population, particularly the youth.

Role of Civil Society: The contribution of NLS and GEOC

Civil society organizations such as the Nepal Law Society (NLS) and the General Election Observation Committee (GEOC) have a critical role to play in facilitating this transition. Both organizations have been involved in the observation of several elections in the past.

The NLS, in particular, has supported the constitution-making process by providing independent forums for dialogue on key issues, policy guidance, and capacity development. In the current context, their contributions can include:

• Building coordination mechanisms among Gen-Z, political parties, and the government;

• Supporting electoral preparations through legal advice, technical expertise, and observation;

• Promoting public dialogue through workshops, interactions, and publications;

• Advising on constitutional reforms, including drafting model amendments;

• Monitoring corruption and ensuring transparency and public trust; and

• Mediating conflicts and preventing escalation through peaceful negotiation platforms.

These organizations can serve as neutral venues bridging competing forces, upholding both legal integrity and democratic aspirations.

Conclusion: From crisis to opportunity

Nepal stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. The Gen-Z protests have not only exposed long-standing governance failures but also ignited a national conversation on constitutional and governance reform and the future of leadership.

This moment presents an opportunity to establish a people-centric, democratic, accountable, transparent, and ethical system of governance. The Interim Government, political parties, civil society, and international partners must now seize this moment—not to suppress dissent, but to channel it constructively.

By embracing transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, Nepal can emerge from this period not only with a renewed political mandate but also with stronger democratic foundations for a prosperous future.

(Pradhan is Chief Executive Director of the Nepal Law Society and Secretary General of the General Election Observation Committee.)

The Sushila Karki Cabinet is still incomplete, though she has included ministers in two lots. Perhaps, she is finding it difficult to choose ministers as she has to balance between the nominees of different GenZ groups on the one hand and their efficiency and honesty, on the other. The GenZ movement overthrew the Oli government through mass protests held on Sept 8 and 9 after the government crackdown on social media, which had been giving a people fed up with rampant corruption, bad governance, nepotism, lavish lifestyles of political leaders and their near and dear ones, political instability and an uncertain future, a platform to vent out their anger and frustration. 

The rally, which saw a significant number of students in school uniform, was almost without any leadership. The unleashing of the police force in the massive protest resulted in the death of 19 protesters, which sparked counterviolence that turned government buildings, media, business houses, banks and hotels etc into a cinder throughout the country.

Sadly, the mass, which lacked leadership, was hijacked by those groups who wanted to take revenge against not only the political leaders but also against government institutions and commercial institutions against whom they had some grudges like those who were dissatisfied with the present democratic setup, living standards of the leaders and their relatives and deprived of misusing of the state fund and natural resources. The security agencies were unable to stop the arson and vandalism.

The present condition is not the outcome of the failures of one government or two. It is an accumulative effect of the past, as rulers did not care for the welfare of the commoners. The Nepali state always remained a political project and never became a peoples’ project. Of course, the present predicament hastened the scenario to unfurl. The  country has enough foreign exchange due to increasing remittances, on the one hand and about 5-6m workers working aboard and about two thousand departing daily by air despite a large number of people from the western districts going to India, on the other.

The Nepal valley (the Kathmandu valley) became a Nepal state with the political project of Gorkha King Prithvi Narayan Shah of expanding the boundaries of his tiny principality. It materialized with the capturing of the Kathmandu valley, in 1769. Its boundaries  went on expanding until it was stopped by Kangra (India) and the British East India Company, which was equally expanding its territories. The company squished the border through a (controversial) Treaty of Sugauli in 1816. The Rana regime extended support to the British in both World Wars to keep them in good humour and keep their political project intact.

However, the resentment among the people, dissatisfaction of King Tribhuvan and Nepali Congress’ armed revolution in 1950 needed negotiations in Delhi, which resulted in a ‘Compromise Formula’ that pledged to establish democracy through a constitution promulgated through an elected Constituent Assembly (CA), provide recognition to the King, give continuity to the Rana Prime Minister and form a coalition government with the Nepali Congress. The deal was not fully implemented.

The resurrected Shah dynasty continued its earlier stand on its political project. King  Mahendra ignored the CA issue and proclaimed a constitution to hold parliamentary elections. Within 18 months, he dissolved the elected government and parliament, and introduced a partyless Panchayat system. King Birendra followed suit.

The 1990 people’s movement reintroduced the parliamentary system. But it could not last long due to the internal bickering of the Nepali Congress and the decade-long Maoists insurgency. After the assassination of King Birendra, King Gyanendra, who sought to rule directly, forced the seven political parties to join hands with the Maoists against the monarchy. Consequently, another people’s movement in 2006 overthrew it. The elected CA adopted an all-inclusive constitution with federalism in 2015.

During the last 74 years (1951-2025) there were 59 changes of government. Significantly, the instability continued as the latest government is the 15th since 2006.The frequent changes were necessitated only to satisfy the insatiable greed of leaders to acquire power and continue to hold as long as possible and also to accumulate unlimited wealth by any means that led to corruption and misrule. 

The challenges before the GenZ movement are enormous. It was easy to overthrow a beleaguered government but eradicating deeply-entrenched corruption will be a Herculean task. The strong collusion between politicians, bureaucracy, security agencies and judiciary will not allow any effort to eliminate it, as each of them will defend the rest for its own safety. To ensure that the government does not deviate from their chosen direction, GenZs have to keep a close watch; otherwise their sacrifice will be fruitless.

Views are personal